General Union of Algerian Workers

The General Union of Algerian Workers (Arabic: الإتحاد العام للعمال الجزائريين, al-Ittiḥād al-ʿĀm lil-ʿUmmāl al-Ǧazāʾiriyyīn; French: Union Générale des Travailleurs Algériens, UGTA),The largest labor organization in the Arab world and Africa, And is Algeria's national trade union center. In order to organize Algerian laborers against French colonial rule, the UGTA was founded on February 24, 1956, at the height of the Algerian War of Independence, as a revolutionary wing of the National Liberation Front (FLN). It has developed into a key component of Algeria's "Pouvoir" (power structure) since independence in 1962, acting as the main go-between for the government, public sector workers, and private capital.

UGTA
General Union of Algerian Workers
Al-Ittiḥād al-ʿĀm lil-ʿUmmāl al-Ǧazāʾiriyyīn

Abbreviation	UGTA
Founded	February 24, 1956
Founder	Aïssat Idir
Legal status	National Trade Union Center
Headquarters	Maison du Peuple, Place du 1er Mai, Algiers, Algeria
Location	Algeria
Members	~2,100,000 (2025 estimate)
Secretary General	Amar Takdjout
Affiliations	• International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC) • Arab Trade Union Confederation (ATUC) • Organization of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU
Website	ugta-dz.com

The UGTA, which has its headquarters at the Maison du Peuple in Algiers, is thought to have 2.1 million members spread across 29 national federations. Although the union's legal monopoly on labor representation was abolished by the 1989 Constitution, the UGTA continues to be the dominant force in key industries, particularly the transportation, steel, and hydrocarbons (oil and gas) sectors. The National Guaranteed Minimum Wage (SNMG) and the nation's social protection and pension policies are shaped by this consultative body, which is the government's official partner in the "Tripartite" negotiations.

The organization's "State-Unionism" (syndicalisme d'état) ideology, which places a higher priority on national sovereignty and the maintenance of state-owned enterprises (SOEs) than on adversarial collective bargaining, has defined its history. The UGTA has become a target during times of political unrest because of this alignment. The union vigorously defended the secular Republic against Islamist insurgents during the "Black Decade" (1990s), which culminated in the assassination of its Secretary-General, Abdelhak Benhamouda, in 1997.

The UGTA has been under a lot of internal and external pressure in recent years. Because of its close ties to former President Abdelaziz Bouteflika's administration, the union experienced a leadership crisis after the 2019 Hirak protests. The union is attempting a period of "restructuring and rectification" under the current leadership of Amar Takdjout (elected in 2023) in order to address the growing cost of living and the shift toward a more diversified, less oil-dependent economy.

History

Foundation and Revolutionary Struggle (1954–1962)

The National Liberation Front (FLN) realized that a dedicated labor wing was necessary to internationalize the Algerian cause, which led to the creation of the UGTA. The French Conféd Générale du Travail (CGT), which was thought to be more in line with the French Communist Party than with Algerian independence, was the main organization that represented Algerian workers prior to 1956.

The 1956 Congress: Aïssat Idir and other activists, including Rabah Djermane, established the union in Algiers on February 24, 1956. The colonial "Code de l'indigénat," which limited indigenous Algerians' ability to organize, was directly challenged by the foundation.
The 1957 General Strike: Beginning on January 28, 1957, the UGTA organized a massive eight-day general strike to demonstrate to the UN that the FLN had the full mandate of the people. During the Battle of Algiers, French paratroopers launched a violent crackdown after the strike paralyzed Algiers and Oran.
International Diplomacy: The UGTA became a member of the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions (ICFTU) during the conflict. This was a strategic move that circumvented the narrative of the French government and gave the Algerian independence movement support from American and British labor unions.

The Era of "Socialist Option" (1962–1978)

After gaining independence, the UGTA changed from being a fighting group to a state-building instrument.

Autogestion (Self-Management): The UGTA was a major proponent of Autogestion in the early 1960s, when workers took over factories and properties that the fleeing French settlers (pieds-noirs) had abandoned.

Integration with the FLN: The UGTA was officially recognized as a "mass organization" under the guidance of the FLN in the 1964 Charte d'Alger. The union gained enormous resources from this, but its autonomy was essentially terminated.

Political Liberalization and the "Black Decade" (1988–1999)

Law 90-14, which permitted trade union pluralism, was the result of Algeria's state abandoning the single-party system in response to the October Riots of 1988.

The Emergence of Independent Unions: Unions like the SNAPAP and CNAPEST began to compete with the UGTA for the first time. However, because of its extensive presence in the public sector and control over the social security funds, the UGTA was able to maintain its dominance.
Republicanism and Civil War: The Islamic Salvation Front (FIS) was fiercely opposed by the UGTA during the Algerian Civil War. The union leadership feared that women's rights in the workplace would be curtailed and the industrial base would be destroyed by an Islamist state.
The Martyrdom of Benhamouda: Secretary-General Abdelhak Benhamouda was killed on January 28, 1997. He was regarded as a unifying figure for the secular-republican movement and a possible presidential contender. His passing solidified the UGTA's partnership with the government supported by the military in the fight against "theocratic fascism."

The Bouteflika Years and the 2019 Crisis (1999–2022)

Abdelmadjid Sidi Saïd led the UGTA for 22 years, during which time it experienced "Social Peace."

The Tripartite Mechanism: The UGTA became the focal point of the "Tripartite"—a recurring gathering of business executives, the government, and the UGTA. Although this guaranteed stability, detractors claimed that the UGTA had grown too close to the "oligarchy"—business magnates near the presidency.

The Hirak Rebellion: The UGTA national leadership first supported Bouteflika's fifth term when the 2019 Hirak protests started. This led to a huge internal uprising. Chanting "Sidi Saïd, dégage!" (Sidi Saïd, get out!), tens of thousands of union members marched against their own leaders.

Leadership Vacuum: Following Sidi Saïd's departure, the union experienced a period of internal purges and leadership changes, which mirrored the larger "cleaning" of the Bouteflika-era political system.

Modern Reforms and Economic Challenges (2023–Present)

Under Amar Takdjout, the UGTA is attempting a "Rectification Path" as of 2026.

Bylaw Overhaul: To avoid the "presidency-for-life" model that had afflicted earlier administrations, the union convened an extraordinary congress in June 2023 to amend its internal statutes.
Inflation Management: The union is currently concentrating on the Social Dialogue concerning the wage increases for 2024–2026. The UGTA has returned to its primary mission of safeguarding the working class's Pouvoir d'achat (purchasing power) in light of the impact of global inflation on Algerian purchasing power.

Organization

The UGTA is structured along two axes: horizontal (by geography/province) and vertical (by industry/sector). The central leadership in Algiers can keep control of both a factory in the Sahara and a local office in the country's far east thanks to this "matrix" design.

1. National Authorities

The National Congress, which convenes every five years to choose the union's leadership and establish its overarching policies, is the UGTA's highest authority.

The union's executive center is the National Secretariat. The Secretary-General (SG), Amar Takdjout, who was elected in July 2023, is in charge of it. Each national secretary in the Secretariat is in charge of a particular portfolio, such as international relations, social protection, or conflict resolution.
Major strategic changes are approved by the National Executive Committee (CEN), a larger deliberative body that convenes between Congresses. It serves as the union's "parliament."
The National Administrative Committee is in charge of managing the union's enormous assets, including the Maison du Peuple headquarters, on a daily administrative and financial basis.

2. The Vertical Structure: National Federations

The UGTA's 29 National Federations are its true "muscle" in the economy. Workers in a particular industry are represented by each federation. Among the most potent are:

The most powerful branch, which represents employees at Sonatrach and Sonelgaz, is the National Federation of Petroleum, Gas, and Chemistry Workers. It is essentially the union's "energy wing" and has the power to cripple the country's main source of income.
The National Federation of Railway Workers (SNTF) is in charge of national transportation and logistics.
The National Federation of Health and Education Workers continues to be a major negotiator for public sector wage scales despite fierce competition from independent unions like SNAPAP.
A longstanding pillar of the union's industrial base is the National Federation of Textile and Leather Workers.

3. The Horizontal Structure: Unions de Wilaya

The UGTA maintains Unions de Wilaya (UW) to guarantee a presence throughout Algeria's 58 provinces (wilayas).

A provincial Secretary-General is in charge of each UW.
They handle conflicts within nearby private companies and smaller public administrations and act as the local liaison with the Wali (Governor).
Local Sections: The local section of a particular business or factory is referred to as the "cell" of the union. The union's daily interactions with its 2,100,000 members take place here.

Assets and Media

One of Algeria's richest non-state organizations is the UGTA.

The national headquarters, located in Algiers' Place du 1er Mai, is the enormous architectural landmark known as the Maison du Peuple.
Media: To communicate directly with its members in Arabic and French, the union maintains a substantial online presence in addition to publishing its own official newspaper, L'Ouvrier Algérien (The Algerian Worker).
Social Works (õuvres Sociales): The union is a vital social safety net for the Algerian working class, managing (or co-managing) large sums of money for worker retreats, child summer camps, and emergency loans.

International Relations

As the main representative of Algerian workers abroad, the UGTA continues to have a strong presence in the global labor movement. These associations are used to promote regional geopolitical causes and to coordinate labor standards.

The largest trade union federation in the world, the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), counts the UGTA among its notable members. The UGTA has access to global advocacy networks for environmental standards, labor rights, and the "Decent Work" agenda thanks to this membership.
The UGTA is a major player in the Arab Trade Union Confederation (ATUC). At a high-level international conference called "Empowering Arab Trade Unions in the Face of Automation and Artificial Intelligence," which the UGTA hosted in Algiers in October 2025, Secretary-General Amar Takdjout called on Arab unions to organize in support of workers' rights and regional stability in the digital era.
Organization of African Trade Union Unity (OATUU): The UGTA uses this platform to coordinate with other significant African unions and spearhead pan-African labor initiatives as a founding and powerful member.
Geopolitical Advocacy: The UGTA regularly uses its international platforms to support the Palestinian cause and Western Sahara's right to self-determination, seeing these as inextricably linked to the fight for social justice. This reflects Algeria's foreign policy.

Current Status and Recent Developments (2024–2026)

The UGTA has entered a phase of "Social Rectification" following the internal restructuring of 2023, aligning itself with the state's efforts to modernize the economy while protecting workers from global inflation.

1. The Wage Reform of 2026

The historic wage increases announced in late 2025 were negotiated in large part by the UGTA.

SNMG Increase: The National Guaranteed Minimum Wage (SNMG) was increased from 20,000 DZD to 24,000 DZD on January 1, 2026. One of the main demands of the UGTA was to safeguard the purchasing power (pouvoir d'achat) of low-income workers, and this increase was the biggest of its kind in decades.
Benefits for Students and Unemployment: The union also backed raising the unemployment benefit to 18,000 DZD because they saw it as an essential social stabilizer for young people.

2. Management of Social Security and Insurance

In Algeria's vast social welfare institutions, the UGTA continues to play a crucial administrative role. Representatives from the union serve on the boards of: CNAS: The National Social Insurance Fund for Employees, which oversees millions of workers' health insurance, maternity leave, and workplace accident coverage. CNR: The National Retirement Fund, where yearly pension revaluations are negotiated by the UGTA to keep up with living expenses.

3. The Finance Bill for 2026

Amar Takdjout praised the 2026 Finance Bill as a "citizen-friendly" document and formally endorsed it in October 2025. In particular, the union praised the government's commitment to economic diversification away from hydrocarbons and its refusal to impose new worker taxes.

4. AI and Digital Transformation

The UGTA is leading a modernization effort under the current leadership to digitize union membership cards and establish electronic grievance filing platforms. The union, which supports "human-centered automation" that safeguards current jobs in the manufacturing and energy sectors, has also started looking into how artificial intelligence will affect the Algerian labor market.