Proto-Sino-Tibetan (PST) is the linguistic reconstruction of the Sino-Tibetan proto-language and the common ancestor of all languages in it, including the Sinitic languages, the Tibetic languages, Yi, Bai, Burmese, Karen, Tangut, and Naga. Paul K. Benedict (1972) placed a particular emphasis on Old Chinese, Classical Tibetan, Jingpho, Written Burmese, Garo, and Mizo in his discussion of Proto-Sino-Tibetan.
| Proto-Sino-Tibetan | |
|---|---|
| PST, Proto-Trans-Himalayan | |
| Reconstruction of | Sino-Tibetan languages |
| Era | 7000–5000 BCE? |
| Lower-order reconstructions |
|
While Proto-Sino-Tibetan is commonly considered to have two direct descendants, Proto-Sinitic and Proto-Tibeto-Burman, in recent years several scholars have argued that this was not well-substantiated, and have taken to calling the group "Trans-Himalayan". In this case, Proto-Tibeto-Burman may be considered as equivalent to Proto-Sino-Tibetan if Sinitic is indeed not the first branch to split from Proto-Sino-Tibetan.
Features
Proto-Sino-Tibetan is believed to have been an agglutinative language with an elaborate system of morphological markers. Reconstructed features include prefixes such as the causative s-, the intransitive m-, the miscellaneous b-, d-, g-, and r-, suffixes -s, -t, and -n, and a set of conditioning factors that resulted in the development of tone in most languages of the family. The existence of such an elaborate system of inflectional changes in Proto-Sino-Tibetan makes the language distinctive from some of its modern descendants, such as the Sinitic languages, which have mostly or completely become analytic.
Proto-Sino-Tibetan, like Old Chinese, also included numerous consonant clusters, and was not a tonal language.
Phonology
Benedict (1972)
The table below shows consonant phonemes reconstructed by Benedict.[page needed]
Peiros & Starostin (1996)
The reconstruction by Peiros & Starostin suggests a much more complex consonant inventory. The phonemes in brackets are reconstructions that are considered dubious.
Hill (2019)
The following tables show the reconstruction of Proto-Sino-Tibetan phonemes by Nathan Hill (2019).
- The sibilant correspondences are simply presented according to their proto-Burmish outcomes, as no patterns could be found by Hill.
- This consonant can only exist as a coda.
- This phonetic nature of this rhotic is unknown.
The consonants /p t k q ʔ m n ŋ l r j/ can take coda position, as well as the cluster /rl/. While Hill does not reconstruct /j/ as an initial consonant due to Baxter and Sagart's Old Chinese reconstruction lacking such a phoneme, he mentions that Jacques and Schuessler suggest a /j/ initial for some Old Chinese words due to potential Tibetan or Rgyalrongic cognates.
Hill also claims that his reconstruction is incomplete, as it does not account for Tibetic palatalization, proto-Burmish preglottalization, Sinitic aspirates, and the Sinitic type A and B distinction of syllables.
Sound correspondences
The sound correspondences cited by Hill (2019) are as follows. Hill bases his correspondences to Old Chinese off of the Baxter-Sagart reconstruction, and thus that reconstruction will be used in the following correspondence tables.
Initials
Note that many cognate sets with /p t k b d g/ initials between Old Chinese, Tibetan and Burmese agree in every phoneme in a given word except for whether an initial consonant is voiced or not. Jacques explains these discrepancies as at least partially triggered by pre-syllables that were lost or decayed on the way to Chinese, Tibetan and Burmese.
| Proto-Sino-Tibetan | Old Chinese | Tibetan | Written Burmese |
|---|---|---|---|
| *p- | *p- | p- | p- |
| *t- | *t- | t- | t- |
| *k- | *k- | k- | k- |
| *kʷ- | *kʷ- | k- | ? |
| *b- | *b- | b- | p- |
| *d- | *d- | d- | t- |
| *g- | *g- | g- | g- |
| *q- | *q- | k(h)- | (lost) |
| *ɢ- | *ɢ- | g- | ? |
| *ɢʷ- | *ɢʷ- | g- | w- |
| *ts- | *ts- | ts(h)- | ch- |
| *dz- | *dz- | (d)z- | c- |
Vowels
| Proto-Sino-Tibetan | Old Chinese | Tibetan | Written Burmese |
|---|---|---|---|
| *a | *a | a o | a |
| *e | *e | e i a | a |
| *i | *i | i | i |
| *o | *o | o | wa |
| *u | *u | u | u o |
| *uw | *u | u | ui uiw |
| *ə | *ə | a | a |
| *əw | *o | u | u |
| *əj | *əj | a ~ e | i |
- After rounded dorsal consonants.
- Before velar consonants.
- Before dental or liquid consonants.
- Before velar, dental or liquid consonants. In Proto-Burmish, pre-velar *i (from *e and *i) were still both distinct from *a.
- o in Old Burmese.
- Before velars. Did not merge with inherited *o > Old Burmese o > Written Burmese wa.
- In Old Burmese.
Finals
| Proto-Sino-Tibetan | Old Chinese | Tibetan | Written Burmese |
|---|---|---|---|
| *-p | *-p | -b | -p |
| *-t | *-t | -d | -t |
| *-k | *-k | -g | -k |
| *-kə | *-k | (lost) | (lost) |
| *-q | *-ʔ | -g | -k |
| *-ʔ | *-ʔ | (lost) | (lost) |
| *-m | *-m | -m | -m |
| *-n | *-n | -n | -n -ñ(ñ) |
| *-ŋ | *-ŋ | -ng | -ng |
| *-l | *-j | -l | (lost) |
| *-r | *-r | -r | (lost) |
| *-rl | *-r | -l | (lost) |
- Except after *a, where this final instead surfaces as -' (transliterated ḫ by Hill).
- After *e or *i.
- Unless after *u; in this case the final surfaces as -y.
Sound changes
Final consonant changes
In Gong Huangcheng's reconstruction of the Proto-Sino-Tibetan language, the finals *-p, *-t, *-k, *-m, *-n, and *-ŋ in Proto-Sino-Tibetan remained in Proto-Sinitic and Proto-Tibeto-Burman. However, in Old Chinese, the finals *-k and *-ŋ that came after the close vowel *-i- underwent an irregular change of *-k＞*-t and *-ŋ ＞*-n. In Proto-Tibeto-Burman, *-kw and *-ŋw underwent a sound change to become *-k and *-ŋ respectively, while in Old Chinese those finals remained until Middle Chinese, where the finals underwent the same sound change.
Furthermore, in Proto-Tibeto-Burman, the finals *-g, *-gw, and *-d underwent the following changes:
- *-d＞*-y
- *-gw＞*-w
- *-g＞*-w when it follows the vowel *-u-
- *-g＞*-∅ when it follows the vowel *a and *-a-.
Example of sound changes
Voiceless plosive finals
| Proto-Sino-Tibetan | Old Chinese (Li Fang-Kuei) | Proto-Tibeto-Burman | |
|---|---|---|---|
| *-p | *-jəp | 汲 *kjəp | *ka·p |
| 泣 *khrjəp | *krap | ||
| 立 *(g-)rjəp | *g-ryap | ||
| *-jap | 接 *tsjap | *tsyap | |
| *-jup | 入 *njəp | *nup~ *nip | |
| *-t | *-iat | 八 *priat | *b-r-gyat |
| 殺 *r-siat | *g-sat | ||
| *-uat | 脫 *hluat | *g-lwat | |
| *-jit | 一 *·jit | *it | |
| *-k | *-ək | 翼 *lək | *lak |
| *-jək | 織 *tjək | *tak | |
| 息 *sjək | *sak | ||
| 食 *N-ljək | *(m-)lyak | ||
| 飼 *s-ljəks | *(s-)lyak | ||
| *-ik | 節 *tsik＞*tsit | *tsik | |
| 縊 *·iks, *·jiks | *ik | ||
| *-jik | 蝨 *srjik＞*srjit | *s-rik | |
| *-juk | 曲 *khjuk | *guk~kuk | |
| *-kw | *-əkw | 毒 *dəkw | *duk~*tuk |
| *-jəkw | 腹 *phjəkw, *bjəkw | *pu·k~*buk | |
| 六 *drjəkw | *d-ruk |
Nasal finals
| Proto-Sino-Tibetan | Old Chinese (Li Fang-Kuei) | Proto-Tibeto-Burman | |
|---|---|---|---|
| *-m | *-əm | 含 *gəm | *gam |
| 頷 *gəm | *gam | ||
| *-jəm | 飲 *·jəmx | *am | |
| 尋 *ljəm | *la[·]m | ||
| *-jim | 坅 *khjamx “pit” | *kim | |
| *-um | 三 *səm | *g-sum | |
| *-jum | 尋 *ljəm | *lum | |
| *-n | *-an | 乾 *kan | *kan |
| *-jin | 辛 *sjin | *m-sin | |
| *-ng | *-jəng | 夢 *mjəngs | *mang |
| 蒸 *tjəng | *tang | ||
| *-jang | 紡 *phjangx | *pang | |
| 涼 *grjang | *grang | ||
| 迎 *ngrjang | *ngang | ||
| *-ing | 盈 *bling | *bling~pling | |
| *-jing | 年 *ning＞*nin | *ning | |
| 名 *mjing | *r-ming | ||
| 甥 *srjing | *sring | ||
| 薪 *sjing＞*sjin | *sing | ||
| 仁 *njing＞*njin | *s-ning | ||
| *-ngw | *-jəngw | 躬 *kjəngw | *gung |
Voiced plosive finals
| Proto-Sino-Tibetan | Old Chinese (Li Fang-Kuei) | Proto-Tibeto-Burman | |
|---|---|---|---|
| *-b | *-əb | 柔 *njəb＞*njəgw | *nəw |
| *-d | *-əd | 𤈦 *smjədx | *məy |
| *-ad | 簸 *padx/s | *pwa·y | |
| 太 *tads | *tay | ||
| 蜾 *kwadx | *kwa·y | ||
| 我 *ngadx | *ngay | ||
| 移 *lad | *lay | ||
| *-id | 四 *sjids | *b-liy | |
| *-jid | 妣 *pjidx | *piy | |
| 畀 *sbjids | *biy | ||
| 几 *krjidx | *kriy | ||
| 屎 *skhljidx | *kliy | ||
| 死 *sjidx | *siy | ||
| *-g | *-əg | 母 *məgx | *ma |
| *-jəg | 負 *bjəgx | *ba, *bak | |
| 子 *tsjəgx | *tsa | ||
| 慈 *dzjəg | *m-dza | ||
| 孳 *dzjəgs | *za | ||
| 耳 *njəgx | *r-na~*g-na | ||
| 牛 *ngwjəg | *ngwa | ||
| *-ag | 補 *pagx | *pa | |
| 苦 *khagx | *ka | ||
| 吾 *ngag | *nga | ||
| 五 *ngagx | *l-nga~*b-nga | ||
| 狐 *gwag | *gwa | ||
| *-jag | 斧 *pjagx | *r-pwa | |
| 夫 *pjag | *(p)wa | ||
| 父 *bjagx | *pa | ||
| 無 *mjag | *ma | ||
| 魚 *ngjag | *ngya | ||
| 咀 *dzjag | *dza | ||
| 汝 *njagx | *na | ||
| *-ug | 口 *khugx | *kuw | |
| 寇 *khugs | *r-kuw | ||
| *-jug | 霧 *m(r)jugs | *(r-)muw | |
| 軀 *khjug | *(s-)kuw | ||
| 乳 *njugx | *nuw | ||
| *-gw | *-əgw | 寶 *pəgwx | *puw |
| 抱 *bəgwx | *buw | ||
| *-jəgw | 鳩 *kjəgw | *kuw | |
| 九 *kjəgwx | *d-kuw | ||
| 舅 *gjəgwx | *kuw | ||
| *-agw | 豪 *gagw | *m/s-gaw | |
| 號 *gagws | *gaw | ||
| 熬 *ngagw | *r-ngaw | ||
| 臊 *sagw | *sa·w | ||
| *-jagw | 飄/漂 *phjagw | *pyaw |
Liquid finals
| Proto-Sino-Tibetan | Old Chinese (Li Fang-Kuei) | Proto-Tibeto-Burman | |
|---|---|---|---|
| *-l | *-al | 肝 *kan | *m-kal |
| *-ul | 本 *pən | *bul~*pul | |
| *-jul | 銀 *ngjən | *(d)-ngul | |
| 閩 *mjən | *s-brul | ||
| *-jal | 疲 *brjal | *bal | |
| *-il | 洒 *silx | *(m-)s(y)il | |
| *-r | *-ar | 播 *s-bars | *bwar |
| 皤 *bar, *par | *pwa:r | ||
| *-jar | 販 *pjans | *par | |
| 鮮 *sjan | *sar | ||
| *-uar | 酸 *suan | *swa·r | |
| *-jur | 飛 *pjər | *pur~*pir |
Vocabulary
Words which do not have reliable Sinitic parallels are accompanied by a (TB).
Social terms
| English | Reconstruction by | Old Chinese (Baxter-Sagart) | |
|---|---|---|---|
| I. Peiros & S. Starostin | J. Matisoff | ||
| Person (in general) | *mĭ | *mi | 民 *mi[ŋ] |
| Male | *pă | *pʷa | 父 *p(r)aʔ |
| Female | *mǝw | *mow | 母 *mˤoʔ (or məʔ) |
| Name (of a person) | *miǝŋ | *miŋ | 名 *C.meŋ |
Natural phenomena
| English | Reconstruction by | Old Chinese (Baxter-Sagart) | |
|---|---|---|---|
| I. Peiros & S. Starostin | J. Matisoff | ||
| Earth | *ƛăy | *ley ~ *lǝy | 地 *[l]ˤej-s |
| Stone | *ƛɨāŋ ~ *ƛɨāk | *luŋ ~ *luk | 琭 *[r]ˤok |
| Sand | *srāy | *sa | 沙 *sˤraj |
| Fire | *mēyH | *mey | 火 *[qʷʰ]ˤəjʔ |
| Smoke | *gʰiw | *kǝw | 熏 *qʰu[n] |
| Water | *tujʔ | *t(w)i(y) | 水 *s.turʔ |
| Rain | *(r-)qʰʷăH | *rwa ~ *wa | 雨 *C.ɢʷ(r)aʔ |
| Sun | *nĭy | *nǝy | 日 *C.nik |
| Moon (TB) | *(s-)lăH | *la | N/A |
| Star | *(s-)q(ʰ)ār | *kar | 扈 *m-qˤaʔ |
| Night | *yăH | *ya | 夜 *[ɢ]Ak-s |
| Tree | *sĭŋ | *siŋ ~ *sik | 薪 *[s]i[n] |
| Leaf | *lăp | *lap | 葉 *l[a]p |
| Plant root | *bʰūl | *bul ~ *pul | 本 *C.pˤə[n]ʔ |
- See also the dialectal 𤈦 /*m̥əjʔ/ and 燬 /*m̥ajʔ/.
- Chinese 月 /*[ŋ]ʷat/ is a descendant of another PST word, *s-ŋʷ(j)a-t.
- Unclear. The more common word is 星 /*s-tsʰˤeŋ/, which is possibly related to 清 /*tsʰeŋ/, in turn from PST *(t)s(j)aŋ.
Qualitative features of an object
| English | Reconstruction by | Old Chinese (Baxter-Sagart) | |
|---|---|---|---|
| I. Peiros & S. Starostin | J. Matisoff | ||
| Black, dark (TB) | *nǝk | *nak | 黑 *m̥ˤək |
| White | wār | *hwār | 皤 *[b]ˤar |
| Big | *tayH | *tay | 大 *lˤa[t]-s |
| Cold | *(k-)răŋ ~ *(k-)răk | *glak ~ *glaŋ ~ *graŋ | 涼 *C.raŋ |
| Warm | *lɨm | *lim ~ *lum | 融 *luŋ |
| Long (TB) | *rĭŋ | *riŋ | N/A |
| New | *cʰăr | *sar | 鮮 *s[a]r |
- It is possible that *s-nak is a descendant of *s-maŋ ~ s-mak (whence OC /*m̥ˤək/).
- The more commonly used 白 /*bˤrak/ might be a derivation of it.
Verb stems
| English | Reconstruction by | Old Chinese (Baxter-Sagart) | |
|---|---|---|---|
| I. Peiros & S. Starostin | J. Matisoff | ||
| To eat | *ʒʰa | *dzya | 咀 *dzaɁ |
| To drink | *dʰɨn ~ *dʰɨŋ | *daŋ ~ *doŋ | |
| To bite/chew | *wā | *wa | |
| To die | *sĭy(H) | *sǝy | 死 *sijʔ |
| To know, to think | *siǝH | *syey | 悉 *[s]i[t] |
| To hear (TB) | *tʰa(s) | *ta | N/A |
| To sleep | *mĭyH | *mwǝy | 寐 *mi[t]-s |
| To stand | *ryǝp | *r(y)ap | 立 *k.rәp |
| To sit | *tūŋ ~ *tūk | *duŋ ~ *duk ~ *tuŋ ~ *tuk | 住 *dro(ʔ)-s |
| Give | *pĭy | *bǝy | 畀 *pi[k]‑s |
Numbers
| Number | Reconstruction by | Old Chinese (Baxter-Sagart) | Old Tibetan | Old Burmese | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| I. Peiros & S. Starostin | J. Matisoff | ||||
| 1 | *dyiǝk | *dik ~ *t(y)ik ~ *t(y)ak | 一 *ʔi[t], 隻 *tek | gcig | ac, tac |
| 2 | *nĭy | *ni | 二 *ni[j]-s | gnyis | nhac < *nhik |
| 3 | *sɨm | *sum | 三 *s.rum | gsum | sumḥ |
| 4 | *lĭy | *lǝy | 四 *s.li[j]-s | bzhi | liy |
| 5 | *ŋāH | *ŋa | 五 *C.ŋˤaʔ | lnga | ṅāḥ |
| 6 | *rŭk | *ruk | 六 *k.ruk | drug | khrok < *khruk |
| 7 | *(s-)nĭt | *ni | 七 *[tsʰ]i[t] | N/A | khu-nac |
| 8 | *ryēt | *gyat ~ *ryat ~ *rit | 八 *pˤret | brgyad | rhac < rhyat |
| 9 | *kwɨH | *gǝw ~ *kǝw | 九 *[k]uʔ | dgu | kuiḥ |
| 10 | *k(ʰ)ĭp | *g(y)ip | 十 *t.[g]әp | N/A | kip |
| 100 | *(p-)ryā | *gya | 百 *pˤrak | brgya | ryā |
- Tibetan bdun has unknown origins, likely used to avoid confusion with the similar-sounding "two".
- Tibetan bcu is a descendant of another PST root, *tsjaj.
- For Old Chinese notations in the Baxter–Sagart system:
- Parentheses "()" indicate uncertain presence;
- Square brackets "[]" indicate uncertain identity, e.g. *[t] as coda may in fact be *-t or *-p;
- Angle brackets "<>" indicate infix;
- Hyphen "-" indicates morpheme boundary;
- Period "." indicates syllable boundary.
See also
- Proto-Tibeto-Burman language
Further reading
- Hill, Nathan W. (2012), "The six vowel hypothesis of Old Chinese in comparative context", Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics, 6 (2): 1–69, doi:10.1163/2405478x-90000100.
- Hill, Nathan W. (2019). The Historical Phonology of Tibetan, Burmese, and Chinese. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/9781316550939. ISBN 978-1-316-55093-9.
- Matisoff, James A. (2003), Handbook of Proto-Tibeto-Burman: System and Philosophy of Sino-Tibetan Reconstruction, Berkeley: University of California Press, ISBN 978-0-520-09843-5.
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